From daga at HK.Super.NET Mon Mar 3 11:45:19 1997 From: daga at HK.Super.NET (daga) Date: Mon, 3 Mar 1997 10:45:19 +0800 (HKT) Subject: [asia-apec 367] KCTU Campaign News Feb 28, 1997 Message-ID: <2.2.16.19970303103838.1e4f9e96@is1.hk.super.net> KOREAN CONFEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS -------------------------------------------------------- Struggle for Labour Law Reforms Campaign News XXIV February 28, 1997 The Bastard Law to Come into Effect The hope of re-writing the labour law rammed through the secretive session of the National Assembly late last year before it came into effect on March 1, 1997 was dashed today. The rascal labour law is bound to come into effect on March 1 as scheduled due to a renegade on the promise by the ruling party and the government. Around 3 o'clock in the afternoon, today, the Chairperson of the National Assembly Standing Committee on Environment and Labour, announced the breakdown of the negotiations between the opposition members and the ruling party members at the drafting sub-committee. About an hour later, the floor leaders of the major political parties, in a damage control measure, issued a statement of apology for the failure to meet the deadline and postponement of the final re-write to March 8, 1997. "I Don't Want to be on the Wrong Side of the Big Business" The possibility of re-amendment was opened when President Kim Young Sam, bulkling under the pressure of a month-long strike and protest actions of working people, committed himself to accept a re- start at the National Assembly. However, since then, the government and the ruling party made all possible efforts to delay the re-write efforts. The National Assembly was only re-opened on February 17, nearly one month after the initial commitment. The parliamentary process appeared to move ahead smoothly when the Standing Committee on Labour and Environment held public hearings on February 19 and 20. However, the ruling party and the government refused to present any proposals for change in the labour laws, claiming that their positions were clearly demonstrated in the December 26 amendment. Instead, it called on the opposition parties to produce proposals they feel are needed. On February 24, the opposition parties, in time for the first session of the drafting sub-committee, produced a unified proposal for re- amendment. It called for the withdrawal of the provisions for 'layoff' and adopted the basic positions presented by the 'public interest representatives' at the Presidential Commission on Industrial Relations Reform. KCTU called on the opposition parties to "stop looking over their shoulders for the wishes of the big business" and to act in "conviction for a democratic reform of the repressive labour laws", especially for the recognition of the teachers' union. It urged the minority coalition to be firm in their fight on behalf of the people against the intransigent government and ruling party". Despite the various efforts of the opposition parties, the ruling party and the government remained unmoved, continuing its obduracy and procrastination. The ruling party "requested" for a postponement of the drafting sub-committee session. This was repeated on the second and third days. The drafting sub-committee only began to deliberate over the proposals for re-amendment in the late February 27. The ruling party representatives explained that they had not had the time to produce a position, they had not had a chance to consult with the government. It was in response to such a show of irresponsibility on the part of the government and the ruling party, that the KCTU Central Committee, on February 25, decided to launch the 4th wave general strike from February 26th to culminate in full general strike on February 28. The Government Breakdown On February 27, the Minister of Labour, Mr Jin Nyeum, in a press conference, declared that he "wondered" whether the KCTU leaders -- who decided to launch the 4th wave general strike -- "were qualified to be citizens of a liberal democratic state". The Kim Young Sam government as a whole proved itself totally insensitive to the importance of the labour law issue and the reasons for the month-long strike by hundreds of thousands of workers. The government and the ruling party are intent on winning the favour of the big business, trying to maintain the umbilical code the direction of the flow of 'nutrients' is now reversed linked to the big business. In response to the Kim Young Sam government's repeated renegade on the promise to reform the labour laws and the apparent breakdown, KCTU released a press statement entitled "The government and the ruling party are unqualified to run the country". In this statement, the KCTU declared a campaign of civil (industrial) disobedience against the labour law that will come into effect on March 1. It also announced a plan to hold an emergency conference of all social and civic organisations to prepare a consolidated programme of action to overcome the current disarray brought about by the irresponsibility and incapacity of the government. Furthermore, the KCTU leadership has instructed all union officials throughout the country to begin a sit-in protest from Monday March 3 in preparation for any possible action. The 4th Wave General Strike On February 28, some 130,000 unionists resumed strike. Unions in private sectors began the half-day strike at 1 p.m. while those in the public utilities, such as hospitals and subway, held union general meetings within the workplaces as part of the strike programme. At 3 p.m. striking workers gathered at major cities for public protest rally. More than 100,000 workers including more than 5,000 in the rain drenched Seoul took to the streets to protest the governments inaction. The strike, resumed after more than one month long calm, brought to surface the smouldering anger and revealed the depth of organisation on the level of the rank and file membership. The successful resumption of the general strike a daunting task due to the cooling off effect has demonstrated the maturity and capacity of the KCTU to undertake purposeful struggle on the basis of a clear understanding of the issues in question. This bodes well for the full relaunch of a massive scale struggle in the face of the intransigent government, ruling party, and the big business. From gab at mnl.sequel.net Tue Mar 4 18:04:10 1997 From: gab at mnl.sequel.net (GABRIELA-Philippines) Date: Tue, 04 Mar 1997 17:04:10 +0800 Subject: [asia-apec 368] March 8 - International Women's Day Message-ID: <1.5.4.32.19970304090410.0067cb40@mnl.sequel.net> Dear Friends, Please refer to attached files on the history of March 8 and a press release on the situation of working women. Thank you very much. GABRIELA (National Alliance of Women's Organizations in the Philippines) 35 Scout Delgado, Roxas District 1103 Quezon City Metro Manila, Philippines telephone numbers +63-2-9288034/9269653 fax number +63-2-9246901 -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: March 8 - Reclaiming a History of Militance.txt Type: text/plain Size: 10150 bytes Desc: not available Url : http://list.jca.apc.org/manage/private/asia-apec/attachments/19970304/afeaa119/March8-ReclaimingaHistoryofMilitance.txt -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: Women Working Harder Than Ever but Actually Earning Less.txt Type: text/plain Size: 2587 bytes Desc: not available Url : http://list.jca.apc.org/manage/private/asia-apec/attachments/19970304/afeaa119/WomenWorkingHarderThanEverbutActuallyEarningLess.txt From gab at mnl.sequel.net Tue Mar 4 18:06:47 1997 From: gab at mnl.sequel.net (GABRIELA-Philippines) Date: Tue, 04 Mar 1997 17:06:47 +0800 Subject: [asia-apec 369] March 8 - International Women's Day Message-ID: <1.5.4.32.19970304090647.00665360@mnl.sequel.net> Dear Friends, Please refer to attached files on the history of March 8 and a press release on the situation of working women. Thank you very much. GABRIELA (National Alliance of Women's Organizations in the Philippines) 35 Scout Delgado, Roxas District 1103 Quezon City Metro Manila, Philippines telephone numbers +63-2-9288034/9269653 fax number +63-2-9246901 -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: March 8 - Reclaiming a History of Militance.txt Type: text/plain Size: 10150 bytes Desc: not available Url : http://list.jca.apc.org/manage/private/asia-apec/attachments/19970304/4b8f8d2e/March8-ReclaimingaHistoryofMilitance.txt -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: Women Working Harder Than Ever but Actually Earning Less.txt Type: text/plain Size: 2587 bytes Desc: not available Url : http://list.jca.apc.org/manage/private/asia-apec/attachments/19970304/4b8f8d2e/WomenWorkingHarderThanEverbutActuallyEarningLess.txt From norbert at forum.org.kh Wed Mar 5 08:23:45 1997 From: norbert at forum.org.kh (Norbert Klein) Date: Tue, 4 Mar 1997 23:23:45 +0000 Subject: [asia-apec 370] March 8 - International Women's Day Message-ID: <199703041624.XAA31204@forum.org.kh> Dear gab@mnl.sequel.net, we got your text, but it was in "appended" format, and partly corrupted. Could you please send it again in plain ASCII text format. Thanks, Norbert ------- Forwarded Message Follows ------- Date: Tue, 04 Mar 1997 17:06:47 +0800 To: asia-apec@jca.or.jp From: GABRIELA-Philippines Subject: [asia-apec 369] March 8 - International Women's Day Reply-to: asia-apec@mail.jca.or.jp MARCH 8 - INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY: RECLAIMING A HISTORY OF MILITANCE [cut] Norbert Klein system@forum.org.kh System Operator +855-23-360345 Open Forum Information Exchange P. O. Box 177 Phnom Penh / CAMBODIA From daga at HK.Super.NET Wed Mar 5 11:55:23 1997 From: daga at HK.Super.NET (daga) Date: Wed, 5 Mar 1997 10:55:23 +0800 (HKT) Subject: [asia-apec 371] Keynote address at People's Conference Against Imperialist Globalization Message-ID: <2.2.16.19970305104840.24ef3ab8@is1.hk.super.net> PEOPLE'S CONFERENCE AGAINST IMPERIALIST GLOBALIZATION Plenary Paper: Apec and Globalization: Prescription for National Disaster Keynote Address by Rep. Wigberto Tanada I would like to say Mabuhay to the organizers and participants of this international conference. This is not an alternative conference to APEC. This is the real conference of peoples of the world struggling for a just global economic order founded on fair trading terms and respect for the economic sovereignty of each nation and the aspirations of every developing country to catch up with the more developed ones. This is the conference that has put on the agenda the real problems facing our people -- food and jobs, justice and freedom. In contrast, the Summit being hosted by our government is fast turning into a nightmare for the Ramos administration because of its failure to use it as a reaffirmation of its supposed economic successes. Billed as the "coming out party" for the Philippine tiger cub economy, the APEC Summit is supposed to be a grand opportunity for the Ramos administration to showcase its achievements -- an economy on the rebound, a thriving democracy and a contented populace under a hands-on can-do President. This is the image that the government wants to project to the APEC summitteers and the world mass media. But unfortunately for the Ramos administration, the opposite and probably, more realistic, image is the one catching global and local public attention. The new hotels and infrastructures, including the giant white boards lining the APEC routes, cannot hide the stark reality of growing mass poverty and slumization, rampant lawlessness and anarchy on the streets, and the deepening crisis of industry, agriculture and employment in the country. Under the World Bank-guided structural adjustment program and the GATT--WTO-directed trade liberalization, the Philippine economy has been opened up and globalized. After one and a half decades, however, the scoreboard shows that there were only a few winners but many losers under this free trade-globalization process. And yet, the APEC wants to further strengthen this trend, while the Filipino economic technocrats want to even hasten the liberalization program as part of the country's Individual Action Plan (IAP) under APEC. Thus, among those in this gathering are the Filipino workers who have either lost jobs or who have been casualized because their industries have collapsed or are losing out in this globalization- liberalization process. These industries include the garments industry, the textile industry, the tire industry, the shoe industry, the steel industry and so on and so forth. Among those in this gathering are Filipino farmers and rural workers who have lost lands, jobs, incomes because of the triple policies of agricultural deregulation (meaning withdrawing government support to rice, corn and other vital crops) tariffication of hitherto restricted agricultural imports, and tariff reduction for agricultural imports. These triple policies under GATT-WTO and SAP are aggravated by rampant land conversions, monopoly land acquisition by giant realtors and large-scale entry of developers of golf courses, resorts and retirement villages for the elites of this country and the world. Thus, our rice industry is in crisis, our corn industry is in crisis, our coconut industry is in crisis, our garlic and onion industry is in crisis, and even our banana and pineapple industries are in crisis. And all around us, there is so much landlessness, joblessness and unhappiness. Just look at our rural masses and our urban slumdwellers. I repeat, just look at our rural masses and our slumdwellers and you will know the real state of the nation. Philippine experience and global inequality I am sure this experience of the Philippines under this phenomenon called transnational globalization is not unique. Earlier, we have seen the economic collapse of Mexico after a decade of implementing wholesale an IMF-World Bank program of economic liberalization, which paved the way for the transnational takeover of Mexican industry and agriculture. Ironically, it was in the first year of Mexico's membership in the North American Free Trade area (NAFTA) that its economy went bust. Similarly, it was in the first year of Philippine membership in the GATT-WTO that the agricultural sector performed disastrously. In the GATT-WTO debates in 1994, our government promised an annual surplus of P3.4 billion in agricultural trade and half a million new jobs in the countryside. But in 1995, our agricultural trade deficit instead rose to P2.21 billion and some 154,000 jobs in agriculture were lost as a result of multi-dimensional rice, corn, sugar and coconut crisis. For a while, the government was even in a quandary where to import the cereals to distribute to our people who formed long queues and endured long hours for a paltry share of imported cereals. The point is that under SAP, GATT-WTO and regional free trade initiatives like NAFTA and APEC, the pattern of national and international economic developments has become even more uneven and unequitable. The only winners of globalization appear to be the transnational corporations which ride on free trade rhetorics and policies in order to conquer bigger markets, unmindful of the impact of their global economic conquests on local industry and agriculture and the job and food requirements of the local populace. Clearly, the challenge for all of us is not only to help expose national and global realities under this so-called globalization but also to put forward an alternative development paradigm that places the interests of the people first before the market requirements of a few transnationals. In this regard, we need to debate with the economic planners and the APEC economists on all issues taken up in the name of free trade. We need more conferences of this nature. On free trade and double talk We also need to expose the tendency free trade politicians to say one thing and do another. In this regard, I would like to take this opportunity to discuss another feature of this APEC exercise -- the tendency of our very own government to engage in double talk and subvert, in the process, our very own democratic processes. Specifically, let me refer to the new executive commitments under the individual action plan or IAP, which the Ramos government voluntarily and unilaterally committed to APEC without consultation with local industry and agriculture and without even informing Congress about it. This year, our government announced a number of times that the Philippines will not commit to APEC beyond what is already committed under GATT-WTO. Also, the nature of APEC is that it is largely consultative in character. It is a forum, or an organization that is less formal and binding than GATT-WTO. Moreover, we are now on a super- liberalization program under the GATT-WTO. By the year 2000, no tariffs will exceed 10 percent, and by the year 2004, all imports shall have uniform tariff of only 5 percent. In contrast, APEC is targeting the year 2020 as the completely free-trade year among APEC members. But to the economic planners, who naively believe that growth automatically follows any liberalization, this super-liberalization program under the GATT-WTO is not enough. So, out of nowhere and in defiance of the Constitutional mandate that tariff rates shall be set by Congress, these planners are committing the country, under the latest Individual Action Plan, to the further reduction of the present average weighted tariff rate of 10.4 percent to 6.69 percent by the year 2000. Included in this super-super-liberalization program are agricultural products. And this is not all. Under the TRIPS provision of the GATT-WTO, we have four years and two months to align our laws on intellectual property rights (IPRs) with those of the world trading body. And then all of a sudden, this is now being discussed in Congress. As you are all probably aware of, the greatest form of protectionism these days is not in tariff or non-tariff trade barriers. It is in control of technology which is a major driving force in the globalization drive of transnational corporations. This is the reason why the United States and other developed countries fought hard for the TRIPS agreement in the GATT-WTO. They want to monopolize technology and new technical processes. They do not want developing countries like the Philippines to catch-up in the development game through the faster acquisition of technology. They want the division of labor between developed and developing countries to remain through a technology gap. They want the developing countries to pay a high price for technology. In this light, one can see that the American game plan in joining, and now dominating, APEC is to transform this body into an additional instrument by which it can preach to Asia Pacific countries the so-called virtues of trade liberalization, while it threatens these same countries with sanctions, including the Super 301 provision of the American tariff and customs law, if they violate the so- called IPRs and liberalization formula under the GATT-WTO. In the meantime, these countries refuse to recognize problems in the regional and international playing fields for business such as dumping of excess goods in our domestic market and failure to give equal treatment to Filipino overseas workers. It is all part of the doubletalk of the United States and other developed countries. On the other hand, we also have our own government engaged in double talk. It says that the Philippines is not making any new commitments to APEC and yet at the same time, it is rushing a new super-super- liberalization program. Aside from the acceleration of the tariff reduction program and the passage of laws aligning our rules on patents and trademarks with those of GATT-WTO, the government is committing the opening up of our retail trade sector, our tourism industry and our landholdings to foreign investors. It seems that they have decided that this super- super-liberalization program is the solution to mass poverty and unemployment in this country. Unfortunately, this is not the solution. Our experience shows that without a clear-cut plan of capability-building and protecting our own industrial and agricultural interests, this globalization-liberalization recipe is a surefire formula for economic and social disaster. Renewed call for nationalism Hence, I would like to look at the coming APEC summit as a challenge for all of us to raise the issue of the lack of the nationalism in our economic planning. Our task in the progressive movement is to continue pushing for an alternative development program based on the ideology of economic nationalism which will provide a clear-cut policy of industrial and agricultural development beneficial to Filipino producers, workers and farmers where some areas of the economy should be protected and others opened up depending on the level of development and available investments. But more importantly, we should have a clear program of capability-building -- industry targeting, local investments mobilization, education and skills development reforms, R & D for targeted Filipino industries, and support systems and institutions for small Filipino producers, businessmen, workers and farmers. These are some of the major issues that cry out for attention and yet have fallen on the deaf ears of this government. I thus appeal to all of you -- let us strengthen our solidarity on the basis of these issues. If our politicians refuse to listen to us, then let us bring the discussion to our people. Instead of a transnational economic agenda, let us advance our own pro-people, pro-worker and pro- farmer nationalist agenda. No my friends, nationalism, as the gurus of globalization would like us to believe, is not irrelevant or obsolete in this day and age. Nor is it the barrier to economic development. It is still practiced everywhere in the globe by nations, large and small, who demand a fair measure of dignity and protection for their own people. The problem is that it has never been given a chance to succeed in the Philippines. On this note, I wish one and all a good day. My warmest solidarity greetings to you all. Mabuhay tayong lahat! ### Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) Rm.213, FMSG Building 1823 E. Rodriguez Avenue corner New York St. Cubao, Quezon City, Philippines Tel/Fax: #(632) 721-10-21 local 29 Email : bayan@mnl.sequel.net Bayan webpage URL: http://www.sequel.net/~bayan From daga at HK.Super.NET Wed Mar 5 11:55:30 1997 From: daga at HK.Super.NET (daga) Date: Wed, 5 Mar 1997 10:55:30 +0800 (HKT) Subject: [asia-apec 372] Canada and APEC Message-ID: <2.2.16.19970305104847.24ef9b06@is1.hk.super.net> From: maggie (Maggie Helwig) /* Written 3:03 PM Mar 1, 1997 by crocha@banda.ntu.edu.au in web:reg.easttimor */ /* ---------- "Canada and APEC" ---------- */ Canada Plans "Green" APEC from Don Greenlees, The Australian, 26/2/97 submitted, and comments by Rob Wesley-Smith AFFET Darwin The Canadian ambassador to APEC Mr Len Edwards, visiting Australia, said that as host of this years Asia Pacific Economic Forum, Canada will give a lot of attention to the non-trade agenda, in particular initiatives covering sustainable development and the environment. The environment is part of sustainable development, and that has to do with economic growth and trade, so we see these things linked ... its not a win-lose situation ... they feed each other and support each other. But after last November APEC summit in Manila, the Australian Prime Minister Mr Howard distanced himself from a move to give 'a human face to development' in this way. Comment This is not surprising, as we have the most conservative Prime Minister in Australia since 1972. His foreign affairs Minister Alexander Downer after meeting Jose Ramos Horta in Adelaide a week ago, reaffirmed there would be no change to Australia's policy on East Timor, which is illegal and immoral, aids Indonesia's conquest, and jointly exploits its wealth. (Note the go ahead given in mid-February for Oil Production from the so-called Zone of Cooperation of the illegal and immoral Timor Gap Treaty) Australians for a Free East Timor congratulates Canada and urges its APEC Ambassador Edwards to pursue and expand his concerns. The environment is always a casualty of war and totalitarian exploitation as we have with Indonesia, and as occurs in East Timor and West Papua and elsewhere. It is often inextricably bound up with human rights in general, often with forced loss of land tenure and management ability. Canada should also review how it's aid budget to Indonesia impacts against the human rights of East Timor. Further, it is impossible to believe that without basic freedoms and human rights the workers can or will contribute with maximum efficiency, so limiting economic development. Further,when the gap between rich and poor; or the haves and the have nots; or the privileged and the rest; becomes intolerable, there may well be an explosive confrontation which will tear down some of the economic progress to that point, as we are already seeing in the region Thus human rights should be on the agenda of APEC, and I think we should pressure governments to achieve this. From daga at HK.Super.NET Wed Mar 5 19:56:40 1997 From: daga at HK.Super.NET (daga) Date: Wed, 5 Mar 1997 18:56:40 +0800 (HKT) Subject: [asia-apec 373] Indonesian worker leader dismissed Message-ID: <2.2.16.19970305184957.0c37aa4c@is1.hk.super.net> To: asia-apec@jca.or.jp From: Yakoma-PGI Subject: indonesian worker leader dismissed Date: Wed, 5 Mar 1997 17:09:19 +0700 4 March 1997 UP DATE OF INDONESIAN WORKER LEADER DISMISSED IN KOLON LANGGENG COMPANY Dear Friends, Thank for the solidarity responses that so far I have been received from the Netherlands, Korea NGOs and ALARM networking regarding the case of Mr. Suharyono and member of his Trade Union. Following are the current situation of Kolon Langgeng case : 1. The hearing of the case at the Administration Court still going on with the lately agenda is witness testimony. 2. Central Board of Federation SPSI support Suharyono in his case by revoking the decision a pointing new successor and willing to testify in the court. 3. The Central Industrial Dispute Settlement Committee or P4P decided that Suharyono have to return to his job and the company has to pay his salary from the September 1996 until now. So far, there is no appeal from the company to the Labour Ministry. 4. Since November 1996 the company have given such sanctions to the workers who attended the hearing court or support Suharyono's case as following : * Several workers have forced to sign a statement not to attend the court,others got admonition letter (some get first adminition and the rest get last adminition) and a few has been shifting to the packing division/warehouse/cleaning service; * New office hours is setting up at 7.30 hours and there is no any reason for coming late and or will get admonition letter. Before that workers can come late with any reason; * Prohibited to cross the queue while absent for go home and or will get sanction; * workers who question or complain about work or management treatment will be admonited; * Force to sign the statement that the problem of minimum regional wages has been settled; * Toilet using more stricted as they have to use a permission card and can not stay longer more than 5 minutes in the toilet because the supervisor will bang the door; * Prohibition to bring the food in the factory. Previously workers are free to bring their meals or snacks; * Overtime is compulsory now; * Group leader and supersivor increase their monitoring to the workers activist and more strict control their works; * Several workers who can not stand with the threaten circumstances hve been resigned; * Threaten working condition is still going on whereas some workers activist are not easy to organize their member in the working place. 5. Urgent, One of sanction case currently happened is Waryono. He joins Kolon Langgeng on August 19,1989 with the latest salary is Rp.5700 per day. The company has dismissed him without any reason acceptable in 27 February 1997. According to him, in February 27, after overtime, he received dismissal letter from General Manager cited that he has less loyal and less responsibility. The facts are following : 13 November 1996 absent from work to attend the hearing court. 15 November 1996, he received shifting letter from sewing division to houseware with the same wages without any reason. 16 November 1996 start working at the houseware without any problem 26 February 1997 attend the hearing court with other 274 workers whereas the company become second defendent. 27 February 1997, received dismissal letter. Therefore, we are looking forward for your further solidarity to protest to the Kolon Langgeng Company in Jakarta and Korea and Indonesia Labour Ministry to end any threaten to the workers uphold their rights. APPEALS TO : 1.Mr. Abdul Latief 2. Director Labour Ministry Kolon Langgeng Company Jl. Gatot Subroto Kavling 51 Jl. Raya Cakung Cilincing Jakarta 12950 KBN D 07 Indonesia Jakarta Utara Fax : (6221)5255628 Fax no : (6221)4401219 3. President of Kolon International Corporation No.45 Mugyo-Dong Chung-Gu Seoul Korea Sincerely yours, Carla June Natan for Jakarta Urban Community Mission From daga at HK.Super.NET Wed Mar 5 20:32:22 1997 From: daga at HK.Super.NET (daga) Date: Wed, 5 Mar 1997 19:32:22 +0800 (HKT) Subject: [asia-apec 374] Alternative Security Conference Message-ID: <2.2.16.19970305192539.0c876304@is1.hk.super.net> Will Today's Asia-Pacific End up like Europe in 1914? This is one of the concerns that has prompted the Peace Research Institute of Tokyo's International Christian University, ,Asia Cultural Forum on Development (ACFOD),Focus on the Global South of Chulalongkorn University's Social Research Institute, Forum-Asia in Bangkok and Berkeley's Nautilus Institute for Security and Sustainable Development to sponsor a conference on Alternative Security Systems in the Asia Pacific Region at YMCA Collins International House in Bangkok, Thailand, March 27-30, 1997. o In the aftermath of the November 1996 APEC Summit, the Asia-Pacific region may look relatively placid, but it is actually a tinderbox of territorial disputes, resource conflicts, antagonisms inherited from the Cold War, and a variety of internal struggles with external impacts. o With the end of the Cold War, hopes were high that the conditions of lasting peace would be created in the region. However, prosperity, instead of spinning off peace, has sparked an arms race, and, despite some tentative initiatives, a multilateral system to preserve the peace is nowhere in sight. Instead, what passes for a regional security system is a volatile informal system with three legs: continuing US unilateralism, balance-of-power diplomacy, and arms races. There is, indeed, a resemblance between the fin-de-siecle Asia-Pacific region and late 19th century Europe, which was entrapped in what Henry Kissinger called "the balance-of-power doomsday machine." o NGO's and people's organizations took the lead in opposing the nuclearization of the Pacific during the Cold War. In the post-Cold War era, however, aside from the nuclear question, security issues have not had as much prominence among NGO concerns as environment and development issues. Indeed, the much-vaunted Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapons Free Zone (SEANWFZ) is largely a government initiative, and there is little genuine NGO participation in the ASEAN Regional Forum. Yet civil society throughout the world has been full of rich explorations into new concepts of security, such as real security or comprehensive security. There is also an increasing recognition by citizens' groups that multilateral security systems are not enough, and lasting peace can only be achieved via people-centered security systems rather than state-centric ones. o This conference seeks to bring the security question to the top of the agenda of civil society in the Asia-Pacific. A diverse group of activists and academic experts, citizens and selected representatives of governments and multilateral organizations from various parts of the region will come together for a close look at the points of tension and conflict in the region and discuss ways to create the new institutions of peace and security that are so necessary if the region is to avoid the fate of Europe in 1914. For more information, please contact: Alternative Security Conference Secretariat Focus on the Global South Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute Phyathai Road, Bangkok 10330, Thailand Tel. 66 2 218 7363 Fax. 66 2 255 9976 Email. alt-security@ksc9.th.com From daga at HK.Super.NET Wed Mar 5 20:32:39 1997 From: daga at HK.Super.NET (daga) Date: Wed, 5 Mar 1997 19:32:39 +0800 (HKT) Subject: [asia-apec 375] Alt-Security Invitation, Conference Programme and Registration Form Message-ID: <2.2.16.19970305192556.0c87b8b6@is1.hk.super.net> Dear Friends, The Peace Research Institute of TokyoAEs International Christian University (ICUPRI), Forum Asia, Asia Cultural Forum on Development (ACFOD), Focus on the Global South of Chulalongkorn UniversityAEs Social Research Institute in Bangkok and BerkeleyAEs Nautilus Institute for Security and Sustainable Development are pleased to invite you to participate in the conference Alternative Security Systems in the Asia Pacific Region. The conference will be held in Bangkok, at Chulalongkorn University and the YMCA. Collins International House, from March 27-30 1997. The conference will bring together a diverse group of NGOs, academics as well as international civil servants to dialogue on current key issues in regional security. Of particular concern is the highly volatile and fluid system of security in the Asia Pacific region. The conference objectives are to move security issues from being solely a governmental domain, to providing a forum for civil society to engage on the matter. It also intends to bring the security and peace discourse beyond discussion on multilateral security systems which are largely state-centric, to exploring orealoe security, through more people-centered systems. The third objective is to impress on the region the fragile state of security and peace in the Asia-Pacific and the need for more solid systems to ensure peace and security. We are targeting this to be a high-profile regional conference which is open to the press as well as representatives of government. This will better ensure that our above objectives are met. Registration and meals at the conference is 1500 baht or $60 US. Accommodations at the conference site can be arranged for 900 baht or $36 US (450 baht or $ 18 US for shared accommodations) per night. We will be honored by your presence at the conference and would appreciate it if you could confirm your attendance with the conference secretariat at Focus on the Global South at your earliest possible convenience via phone, fax, or e-mail. Please direct your correspondence to Ehito Kimura or Junya (Lek) Prompaem at Focus on the Global South (Tel. 662 218 7363/4 Fax: 662 255 9976) by March 10. We await your reply with anticipation. Yours sincerely, Dr. Walden Bello Principle Organizer, Conference on Alternative Security Co-Director, Focus on the Global South **************************************************************************** ********************** Conference on Alternative Security Systems in the Asia-Pacific YMCA Collins International House, Bangkok, March 27-30, 1997 Tentative Program and Speakers List Thursday, March 27 5:00 - 6:30 p.m. Registration 6:30 - 7:30 Dinner 7:30 - 8:00 Words of welcome Thienchay Kiranandana President, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand Gotham Arya, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand 8:00 - 8:40 Keynote address: "Real Security" Richard Falk, Princeton University, US Friday, March 28 8:00 - 8:45 a.m. Resumption of registration 8:45 - 9:00 Plenary for taking stock and announcements Co-chairs for the day: Banthorn Ondam, ACFOD, Thailand; Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South Thailand, Philippines 9:00 - 11:00 Panel: "China and the Asia-Pacific: Challenges to Peace Diplomacy" Tao Wenzhao, Institute of American Studies, China Robert Sutter, Congressional Research Service, US Khien Deeravit, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand Kinhide Mushakoji, Meiji Gaikuin University, Japan Jaime A. FlorCruz, Time Magazine, Beijing Bureau 11:00 - 11:15 Coffee break 11:15 - 1:15 p.m. Panel: "Geopolitics and Security in Northeast Asia" Suh Jae-Jung, South Korea Wade Huntley, Nautilus Institute, US Kim Song, Korean Anti-Nuke Peace Committee, North Korea Pharis Harvey, International Labor Rights Education Fund 1:15 - 2:15 Lunch 2:15 - 4:15 Panel: "From Traditional to Real Security" Lester Ruiz, International Christian University, Japan/Philippines Tomoko Saguma, People's Forum 2001, Japan Smithu Kothari, Lokayan, India Richard Falk, Princeton University, US Kayoko Tetsumi, Sasakawa Foundation, Japan 4:15 -4:30 Break 4:30 - 6:30 Simultaneous panels "US: Force for Peace or Source of Destabilization?" Tao Wenzhao, Institute of American Studies, China Lora Lumpe, Federation of American Scientists, US Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South, Thailand/Philippines Ji Guoxing, Institute of International Strategy Studies, China "Geopolitics and Security in the South Pacific" Amelia Rokotuivuna, Pacific Regional YWCA, Fiji Robert Sutter, Congressional Research Service, US Michael Hammel-Green, Victoria University of Technology Ronni Alexander, Kobe University, Japan/US Sonny Inbaraj, The Nation, Malaysia/Thailand 7 p.m. on Free evening Saturday, March 29 8:15 - 8:30 Plenary session for taking stock and announcements Co-chairs for the day: Somchai Homlaor, Forum Asia; Tomoko Saguma, People's Forum 2001, Japan 8:30 - 10:30 a.m. Simultaneous panels "The US-Japan Security Treaty: Obsolete or Still Relevant?" Tetsumi Takara, Japan Surichai Wan-Geao, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand Hiro Umebayashi, Pacific Campaign for Disarmament, Japan Kim Song, Anti-Nuke Peace Committee, North Korea Ji Guoxing, Institute of Strategy Studies, China "Environment, Resources, and Security" Tom Athannasiou, U.S. Peter Payoyo, University of the Philippines Emmy Hafild, WALHI, Indonesia Srisuwan Kuankachorn, Project for Ecological Recovery, Thailand Anuradha Mittal, Food First, US/India 10:30 -10:45 Break 10:45 - 12:45 p.m. Simultaneous workshops "Arms Race in East Asia" Presentor: Derek da Cunha, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore "Human Rights and Regional Security" Presentor: Somchai Homlaor, Forum Asia, Thailand "Culture and Security" Co-presentors: Lester Ruiz, ICU, Japan/Philippines; 12:45 - 2:00 Lunch 2:00 - 4:00 Simultaneous panels "Multilateralism: Regional and Global Dimensions" Toshiki Mogami, International Christian University, Japan Joseph Camilleri, La Trobe University, Australia Kamal Malhotra, Focus on the Global South, Thailand/India Jerry Sanders, University of California at Berkeley, US "Geopolitics of Southeast Asia" George Aditjondro, Newcastle University, Australia/Indonesia Duong Quoc Than, Institute of International Relations, Vietnam Carolina Hernandez, University of the Philippines Vitit Muntaborn, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand Ivanica Vodanovich, Auckland University, New Zealand Supang Chantavanich, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand 4:00 - 4:15 Break 4:15 - 6:15 Panel "Preventive Diplomacy and Proactive Peace Diplomacy: Lessons for the Asia-Pacific" Kumar Rupesinghe, International Alert, UK/Sri Lanka Tappan Bose, The Other Media, India P.V. Rajagopal, Gandhi Peace Foundation, India Jerry Sanders, Universtiy of California at Berkeley, US 6:30 - 8:00 Dinner 8:00 - 10 "Thoughts on Security and Spirituality," by Sulak Sivaraksa Cultural evening Sunday, March 30 8:15 - 8:30 Plenary session for taking stock and announcements Co-chairs for the day: Toshiki Mogami, ICU, Japan; Aye Aye Win, International Alert, UK/Burma 8:30 - 10:30 Simultaneous workshops "Gender Dimensions of Security" Presentor: Gigi Francisco, DAWN, Philippines "Multilateral Security Systems: Lessons from Europe" Presentors: Ferenc Mislivetz, Hungarian Academy of Sciences "Globalization, Trade, and Regional Security" Presentor: Pharis Harvey, International Labor Rights Education Fund "The Media and Security" Presentors: Sonny Inbaraj, The Nation; Tappan Bose, The Other Media, India 10:30 - 10:45 Coffee break 10:45 - 12:45 Panel: "The ASEAN Regional Forum and Beyond" Stephen Leong, ISIS, Malaysia Hiro Umebayashi, Pacific Disarmament Campaign, Japan Patti Willis, Pacific Disarmament Campaign, Canada Duong Quoc Thanh, IRR, Vietnam 12:45 - 2:00 Lunch 2:00 - 4:00 Panel: "Governments and NGO's in the Search for Peace" Nikhom Chandraavithun, Thammasat University, Thailand Carolina Hernandez, University of the Philippines Chaiwat Satya-Anand, Thammasat University, Thailand Joseph Camilleri, La Trobe University, Australia Gothom Arya, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand Shri Kuldeep Nayyar, India 4:00 - 4:15 Break 4:15 - 5:45 Conference declaration; resolutions; closing ceremonies Chair: Walden Bello, Focus 5:45 - 6:00 Parting words: Toshiki Mogami, Peace Research Institute International Christian University, Japan; Krayudth Dhiratayakinant, Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute Participants' list is still being finalized. Total number of participants will probably come to 275. Alternative Security Conference Secretariat Focus on the Global South Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute Phyathai Road, Bangkok 10330, Thailand Tel. 66 2 218 7363 / Fax 66 2 255 9976 / Email alt-security@focusweb.org **************************************************************************** **************** Registration Form for the Conference on Alternative Security Systems in Asia Pacific [ ] I would like to register for the Alternative Security Conference in the Asia Pacific [ ] I will find my own accommodation throughout the conference [ ] Please arrange for my accommodations at the conference site I would like arrangements to be made for [ ] nights at the conference site. Last name [ ] First name [ ] Organization [ ] Phone [ ] Fax [ ] e-mail Flight Information Date of arrival [ ] time of arrival [ ] Flight number [ ] Date of departure [ ] time of departure [ ] Flight number [ ] Preference of food [ ] [ ] Enclosed is my registration and/or accommodations fee [ ] I will register at the door Please pre-register via phone, fax, e-mail, or postal mail by Monday March 10, 1996 to: Alternative Security Conference Focus on the Global South c/o CUSRI, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok 10330 Thailand Tel: 662 218 7363/4 Fax: 662 255 9976 or E-mail: alt-security@focusweb.org From gab at mnl.sequel.net Fri Mar 7 14:15:52 1997 From: gab at mnl.sequel.net (GABRIELA-Philippines) Date: Fri, 07 Mar 1997 13:15:52 +0800 Subject: [asia-apec 376] (corrected version) March 8, International Women's Day: Reclaiming a History of Militance Message-ID: <1.5.4.32.19970307051552.006837a0@mnl.sequel.net> (corrected version) MARCH 8, INTERNATIONAL DAY OF WOMEN: RECLAIMING A HISTORY OF MILITANCE March 8, International Day of Women --- a day commemmorated by women's organizations and even governments worldwide as a day dedicated to about one-half of the world's population - to those whose hands "rock the cradle" but who have also rocked the world - to paraphrase a feminist battlecry - with their militant assertion of women's rights and the urgency of women's liberation. But unknown to many, the history of March 8 goes well before the United Nations officially declared 1975-1985 as the World Decade on Women --- a decade, which, undoubtedly, popularized the issue of women but which, as many internationally-known feminists themselves --- left much to be desired in terms of actually effecting changes in the lives of the world's impoverished women. March 8 actually owes its birth to the militant actions of women workers of the 1800s, notably in the US ad Germany. This was a period of great social upheaval in the west, being the immediate era of the great industrial revolution, when the establishment of factories in the cities gave rise to a mass of working class people. But labor conditions were appalling, particularly among women and children, whom capitalists of that time employed to cut on labor costs. These conditions led hundreds of women workers from the garments and textile factories in New York to stage a street demonstration in 1857 protesting low wages, 12-hour workdays, and generally inhuman working conditions in the factories. A glaring example of such conditions was a fire which gutted down an entire garments factory where hundreds of women were trapped and killed as the factory did not have any fire exits. The demonstration was, however, brutally attacked by the police and scores of women demonstrators were hurt and arrested. But it was March 8, 1908 which signaled the first big wave of women's protests. Thirty thousand (30,000) women staged a march-rally raising the same issues, in addition ot protesting against child labor, and demanding for women's rights to vote. These and other actions by women industrial workers prompted the then-International Labor Movement to declare March 8 as International Women's Day. The declaration, which was led by Clara Zetkin, a socialist and German labor leader, was eventually adopted by socialist countries and labor movements in the US and European countries. It was then called the "International Day of Working Women." It was much later, with the lobbying efforts of western feminists, and more importantly, with the strength and momentum gained by women's movements in Third World countries, that the United Nations adopted March 8 as "International Women's Day." In the Philippines, it is not known whether the women workers of the 1800s already knew or commemorated March 8. What was certain was that women at that time were already actively involved in labor protests and later on, in the early stages of organizing labor unions. The establishment of the tobacco monopoly in 1782 marked the first time in Philippine history when women were first drawn out of the confines of their homes en masse with the establishment of the first cigar factories which employed thousands of women whose ages ranged from twenty to thirty years old. By the 19th century, there were four factories in Manila and one in Cavite. The "Fabrica de Arroceros" had 1,000 to 1,500 workers; the "Fabrica de Fortin," also in Arroceros, 8,000; the "Fabrica de Meisic," 6,000; and the "Fabrica de Cavite," 2,000. But the conditions with which the "cigarreras" (female cigar-workers) found themselves in would become the subject of their protests. Routinary body searches on the workers, adopted by the companies to prevent cigar smuggling, led to abuses by "maestras" (lead workers of cigar factories who conducted the searches). In 1810, for instance, a "maestra" by the name of Teresa Arenas was dismissed by the factory on the basis of a number of complaints filed by women workers who decided to put an end to Arenas' abuses. Other abuses eventually became the subject of a strike staged in 1816 by the "cigarreras" which forced the management to accede to their demands. These included the prohibition of the sale and usury, at prohibitive prices, of items by the "cabecillas" through whom the factory gave the workers their wages. The workers also demanded that the tobacco leaves be given to them ready for rolling. Previous to this, the workers themselves did the stretching, cleaning, and cutting of leaves before the actual rolling. They were not compensated for doing all these since their wages depended on the number of correctly-rolled cigars. Available records on the first Filipinas to be members of a labor union showed that they were part of a 40-member unit based in Carmelo ad Bauerman printing house. The unit would later become part of the "Union de Impresores de Filipinas" that would, in turn, later become part of the "Union Obrera Democratica (UOD)." The four women were Celerina dela Cruz, Fausta Bernardo, Margarita Pasamola, and Antonia Zamora. The UOD, then headed by Isabelo delos Reyes, issued an appeal on May 27, 1901, to the American colonial government for the regulation of working hours, the sex and age of factory hands, and a "servants law" to guarantee decent food and quarters, among others. Around the same year, seamstresses and dressmakers were among those who demanded for the establishment of their own "seccion" in UOD, along with tobacco workers and tailors. The deterioration of the workers' economic conditions increasingly led to more strikes centering on conditions of work and low wages. In Manila, four out of five families were on the poverty line. Average wages were one (Philippine) peso (P1.00) a day. This was indeed meager when compared to the price of food: one pound of pork costs P0.80; one piece of bread costs P0.01; and one pound of fish costs P0.30. Real wage rates were, in fact, lower in the American period than in the latter part of the Spanish period. In copra production, women worked as part of the family work team, doing the strenuous work of husking, opening ad drying of the coconuts, but without receiving wages apart from their husbands or fathers were paid. Work in factories were carried out, according to the Bureau of Labor itself, in "sweatshop conditions" while outwork meant low-paid or unpaid family labor and long hours, often continuing until late at night by the light of the moon or a kerosene lamp. One of the issues often raising during the 1913 strikes was the protection of women and child labor. By 1925, the colonial government was compelled to set up a separate section for women and children in the Bureau of Labor. By 1935, women were demanding for equal pay for equal work. No doubt many similarities existed between the conditions of women workers of colonized countries like the Philippines and those belonging to the colonizing countries like Spain and even the US. There is no doubt too that the Philippine labor movement was somehow influenced by the historical development of their counterparts in the more advanced countries. It is unknown whether women of that historical period (late Spanish or early American colonial period) formally adopted the declaration of the International Labor Movement. Available records point to pre-Martial Law women activists who pioneered the commemoration of this date. On March 8, 1971, the-then Manila Times printed a statement signed by the KATIPUNAN (Katipunan ng Kababaihan Para sa Kalayaan - Organization of Women for Liberation) entitled, "RP Women Join Liberation Front." The KATIPUNAN was actually an alliance of MAKIBAKA, a women students and urban poor mothers' association identified with the national democratic stream; members of the Kabataang Makabayan (Patriotic Youth)-Women's Bureau, and those from the Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan (SDK) (Democratic Organization of the Youth). The KATIPUNAN, while not primarily composed of women workers, nevertheless declared the important role of women in national liberation from the evils of "imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism" and extolled on the fundamental necessity of forging the "peasant-worker" alliance in the women's movement. On the same date, the alliance led an all-women's march-rally against poverty. But the declaration of Martial Law in 1972 nipped the growth of this movement in the bud and forced member-activists to go underground. A few years later, one of its primary leaders, Lorena Barros, would be killed by the military. Nonetheless, those who went to the countrysides to continue with their revolutionary involvement managed to hold very small and rather intimate commemorations of March 8 in areas where they were helping to set up guerilla units in regions such as Central Luzon. The Marcos dictatorship's non-commemoration of March 8 then probably does not come as a surprise. The setting up of the National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women (NCRFW), following the UN declaration in the early 70s could be seen as a political showcase rather than a genuine attempt to address women's issues as the NCRFW then served no more than as an implementing arm of government projects at the grassroots level without any recommendatory nor executive powers even on issues relating to women. And while the Aquino government, in 1987, anchored its commemoration of March 8 on the so-called "women power" that helped put Corazon Aquino in power, the more militant section of the women's movement under GABRIELA often focused on the issues of poverty and sexual violence in its March 8 commemorations. While latter commemorations led by the NCRFW focused on government efforts to address "gender issues" in the fields of law and the bureaucracy, non-governmental women's organizations such as GABRIELA focused on issues such as poverty and sexual violence and often exhorted women to build on the important roles of women in various stages of Philippine history and exhorting them to reclaim what it calls the "history" of militance with which women workers, in different parts of the world, first declared March 8 as International Women's Day. From gattwd at corso.ch.planet.gen.nz Fri Mar 7 14:04:50 1997 From: gattwd at corso.ch.planet.gen.nz (Gatt Watchdog) Date: Fri, 07 Mar 1997 17:04:50 +1200 Subject: [asia-apec 377] Re: International Women's Day Call To Count Costs Of Freemarket Polic In-Reply-To: <4XN63D1w165w@corso.ch.planet.gen.nz> Message-ID: Path: corso!gattwd From: gattwd@corso.ch.planet.gen.nz (Gatt Watchdog) Newsgroups: misc.activism.progressive Subject: International Women's Day Call To Count Costs Of Freemarket Policies Message-ID: <4XN63D1w165w@corso.ch.planet.gen.nz> Date: Thu, 06 Mar 97 17:33:14 +1200 Reply-To: gattwd@corso.ch.planet.gen.nz (Gatt Watchdog) Organization: PlaNet Gaia Otautahi GATT Watchdog, PO Box 1905 Otautahi (Christchurch) 8015 Aotearoa (New Zealand) Ph 64 3 3662803 Fax 64 3 3668035 Media Release 6 March 1997 For Immediate Use International Women's Day Call To Count Costs of Freemarket Policies on Women A spokeswoman for fair trade group GATT Watchdog says that International Women's Day (March 8th) should be a time to count the unacceptable costs of trade liberalisation policies and free market reforms to women's lives in New Zealand and around the world. Leigh Cookson of GATT Watchdog says that market reforms and free trade have greatly contributed to the "feminisation of poverty" here and overseas. "International Women's Day owes its birth to the militant actions of women workers of the 1800s, especially in the USA and Germany. This year we should take stock of the real costs of implementing trading arrangements like the GATT/WTO and NAFTA, but also celebrate the fact that worldwide, women are at the forefront of resisting globalisation and working out just and genuinely sustainable alternatives to this model of development." "Globalisation is based on women's exploitation in both the paid labour force and the unpaid work that we do. Women's experiences aren't seen by the economists who pronounce on restructuring and the 'need' to open up economies to international competition, nor by politicians who implement policies which do so. Ordinary women are usually left out of policy debates of vital importance to our everyday lives. Top-down economic policies put an overemphasis on the supremacy of 'the market', profits and a globalisation process that rewards the powerful whilst marginalising much of humanity," she says. "In 1997, gender inequalities should be seen in the context of the globalisation of the economy. Women disproportionately bear the burden of market reforms and trade liberalisation. More women than ever have become their family's sole breadwinners. Women make up a high proportion of workers in the informal sector and other precarious forms of employment." In industrialised countries, between 65-90% of part-time workers are women. In South East Asia, women in the export-manufacturing industries are paid significantly less than men. In Singapore women earnt 72% of men's wages, while in Hong Kong and Korea that figure was 63% and 57% respectively. Women are typically paid between 70-90% (UK), 80% (NZ), and 90% (Australia) of men's wages (ILO Statistics, August 1995). Yet the economic indicators which politicians refer to when boasting of economic recovery ignore this disparity in incomes. "The GATT/WTO trade liberalisation measures, which include the imposition of an unjust "trade-related" intellectual property rights regime, and the import of agricultural products are causing the displacement of millions of small subsistence farmers, mainly women, and are destroying local food economies. Peasant women farmers in the Asia Pacific region are innovators and protectors of seeds and genetic resources. But intellectual property regimes imposed by free trade deals like GATT are taking seed away from the custody of peasant women and turning it into the property of transnational corporations. Women farmers are already invisible and marginalised in many ways and being further dispossessed of their power, control and knowledge," said Ms Cookson. "Third World countries are being forced to become open markets for transnational corporations' products. Domestic subsidies are reduced and small farmers ruined as the North dumps its food surpluses. Many of these are women who are forced to the cities, into unsafe, low-paid jobs in export-oriented industries, owned by transnational corporations seeking the rights to invest anywhere where labour and natural resources are cheapest, and where environmental standards are dangerously low. In South East Asia and the maquiladora assembly plants on the US-Mexican border, women are favoured over men and work in poor conditions for a pittance. And the largest number of NAFTA-related layoffs in the USA were in the electronic and apparel industries, both of which employ a high proportion of women," she says. In New Zealand, a 1993 Service Workers Union survey showed that 40% of women members suffered a drop in household income since 1991. This trend continues. Women are over-represented in the part-time, temporary, and low-wage workforce. Women's community role is taken for granted as the state divests itself of responsibilities in healthcare, welfare, education and housing, as market forces widen the rich-poor divide and women take on unpaid unrecognised work. "Much of the social cost of economic deregulation to make New Zealand attractive to foreign investment is being borne by women. The majority of workers in the New Zealand clothing and footwear industries which continue to be decimated by the reduction of tariffs and the influx of imports have been women. Many of those who have lost their jobs have been forced into unemployment or low-paid homeworking. Those who still have jobs have seen their conditions and job security eroded. The introduction of market principles in health and education, benefit cuts, and labour legislation like the Employment Contracts Act have increased the burden on women. Pay equity remains a far-off dream. Despite the rhetoric about integrating women into the workforce, this has amounted to few real gains for us. Morever, women who are forced into dependence by the structural inequalities of the market economy are blamed for their impoverished state. the hard-won rights of women are being rolled back in favour of the rights of the market. And the National/New Zealand First Coalition government shows every sign of further entrenching the social deficit of the free market model," concluded Ms Cookson. For further comment, contact: Leigh Cookson (GATT Watchdog) Ph 03 3662803 Fax 03 3668035 Email gattwd@corso.ch.planet.gen.nz Dr Jane Kelsey (Aotearoa/New Zealand APEC Monitoring Group) ph 09 3737599 ext 8006 Fax 09 373 7471 Email j.kelsey@auckland.ac.nz Gillian Southey (GATT Watchdog) Ph 04 3843587 Fax 04 801 6001 Email gsouthey@actrix.gen.nz ===================================================================== GATT Watchdog, Box 1905, Otautahi (Christchurch) 8015, Aotearoa (New Zealand). Ph 64 3 3662803 Fax 64 3 3484763 ===================================================================== From daga at HK.Super.NET Mon Mar 10 10:22:29 1997 From: daga at HK.Super.NET (daga) Date: Mon, 10 Mar 1997 09:22:29 +0800 (HKT) Subject: [asia-apec 378] People's Summit Announcement Message-ID: <2.2.16.19970310091544.11b7e2a4@is1.hk.super.net> The 1997 Peoples Summit on APEC Vancouver, Canada November 19 - 24, 1997 The 1997 Peoples' Summit on APEC is calling upon all people's, women's, human rights and peace organizations, NGOs, trade unions, religious groups, indigenous people, migrant workers and concerned individuals to come to Vancouver and take part in a series of events designed to highlight their concerns about APEC. A large coalition of Canadian labour and non-governmental organizations has announced that the Peoples' Summit will follow the following format: November 19 - Launch November 20,21 - Satellite meetings November 22 - Peoples' Summit November 23 - Final Assembly and march November 24 - Interfaith ceremony Participating organizations from any country are encouraged to convene and sponsor satellite meetings on the topics of interest to them. For more information, please contact the Peoples' Summit secretariat in care of: Terre Flower 1997 Peoples Summit on APEC 207 West Hastings Street, Suite 910 Vancouver, British Columbia V6B 1H6 tel: 604-682-1952 fax: 604-682-1931 email: popsum97@bc.sympatico.ca Canadian Organizing Network: Canada-Asia Working Group (Canadian Council of Churches), Canadian Environmental Network, Canadian Labour Congress, Canadian Council for International Cooperation, Council of Canadians, International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development, National Action Committee on the Satus of Women, Network on International Human Rights, Aboriginal Women's Network, Anglican Church of Canada, BC Council for International Cooperation, BC Environmental Network, BC Federation of Labour, BC Teachers' Federation, Canadian Federation of Students, End Legislated Poverty, End the Arms Race / Canadian Peace Alliance, Union of BC Indian Chiefs, United Native Nations, Vancouver & District Labour Council. From daga at HK.Super.NET Mon Mar 10 12:30:22 1997 From: daga at HK.Super.NET (daga) Date: Mon, 10 Mar 1997 11:30:22 +0800 (HKT) Subject: [asia-apec 379] Indonesian NGOs attack labour bill now before Parliament Message-ID: <2.2.16.19970310112335.1e97c62c@is1.hk.super.net> From: tapol (Tapol) Subject: NGOs attack labour bill now before Parliament Labor bill allows abuse of workers rights: Activists Jakarta Post JAKARTA (JP): The National Commission on Human Rights anc] labor activists have joined forces to pressure legislators into overhauling a new bill that aims to give the government sweeping control of labor affairs. The commission and representatives of 11 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) said yesterday there could be violations of workers' basic rights if the bill became law. After a 90 minute discussion, they agreed to lobby the House of Representatives and the government. Commission member Saparinah Sadli said the commission, acclaimed for its relative independence, was particularly concerned about the articles which allowed violations of human rights. "The commission and the NGOs need to meet regularly to discuss field findings that they will use for their proposals for deliberating the bill," she said. The NGOs are Akatiga, CPSM, Jakarta Social Institute, the Indonesian Women's Association for Justice Legal Aid, LBH (Legal Aid) Bandung, LBH Jakarta, Elsam, Sisbikum, Infid, Women Solidarity and YLBHI. The NGOs said, in a joint statement, that the bill gave the government sweeping authority to control labor affairs, reducing workers' bargaining power. Comprising 1-8 chapters and 159 articles, the bill has been drafted as an umbrella law for the 14 labor regulations made between 1887 during the Dutch colonial administration and 1969. The bill covers labor policies, such as planning, information, placement and manpower development, and relations between workers employers and government. It affects all workers, including migrants and those working for informal businesses or nonprofit organizations. The NGOs' spokesperson Teten Masduki of YLBHI, said the bill was dominated by the government's aim to guarantee security for business. The bill aimed to maintain the states' domination of national labor politics that required cheap labor and made workers loyal to the bureaucracy. The bureaucracy's strong role in labor affairs would make employers dependent on non-economic institutions and security agencies while weakening workers' bargaining power, the NGOs said. The labor activists said the bill curtailed workers' rights to associate, negotiate with employers, go on strike, seek legal protection and get fair wages. "Labor strikes are restricted with permits that are possible only with government and employers' consent and strikers are denied wages," the joint statement said. "Strikes are also only allowed within company premises, therefore staging protests at the House of Representatives, manpower ministry, Commission of Human Rights will be considered illegal. " The bill maintains the controversial "corporative" labor dispute settlement system, which gives the government decisive power. The NGOs said the bill treated workers like capital, goods and production tools in a capitalistic economic system. This, they said, could encourage employers to treat workers' basic rights as "less important" than production and development processes. Violations of human rights could occur because the bill gave the government practically unlimited power to intervene in industrial problems. "The government's function is not limited to labor inspections and law enforcement but also to controlling labor organizations, wages, social security and labor market and settling labor disputes," they said. The NGOs also said the bill discriminated against women workers because they were not allowed to work at mining sites for example. It did not address female workers' basic rights such as reproductive rights which would give employers a loophole to discriminate against them, they said. From mario_m at HK.Super.NET Tue Mar 11 11:31:20 1997 From: mario_m at HK.Super.NET (mario mapanao) Date: Tue, 11 Mar 1997 10:31:20 +0800 (HKT) Subject: [asia-apec 380] Nobel winner: include Timor on APEC Message-ID: <2.2.16.19970311102434.3bf7b2da@is1.hk.super.net> Date: 09 Mar 1997 22:58:21 -0500 (EST) Reply-To: Conference "tapol.etimor" From: maggie@web.apc.org Subject: Nobel winner: Include Timor on APEC To: Recipients of conference Sender: Conference to Mail Gateway Errors-To: conf2mail@gn.apc.org Lines: 36 From: maggie (Maggie Helwig) /* Written 12:39 PM Mar 9, 1997 by igc:fbp in web:reg.easttimor */ /* ---------- "Nobel winner: Include Timor on APEC" ---------- */ VANCOUVER, British Columbia, March 8 (UPI) -- A Nobel laureate is urging (Saturday) the leaders of Asian and Pacific Rim nations to discuss human rights when they hold their regional trade summit later this year. The leaders of Asia-Pacific Economic Conference member nations - including Canada and the United States - are scheduled to convene in Vancouver in November for their annual meeting. Last year's co-winner of the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to end Indonesia's occupation of East Timor, Jose Ramos-Horta, says, "Human rights and the environment have been off the agenda." In Vancouver on an international speaking tour, Ramos-Horta says it has become "increasingly difficult" for APEC countries to ignore East Timor. Indonesian forces invaded East Timor in 1975 to put down a fledgling independence movement in the former Portuguese colony. About six months later Indonesia declared the region its 17th (sic) province, a claim the United Nations does not recognize. Human rights monitoring groups have accused Indonesia of human rights abuses in East Timor. The London-based Amnesty International estimates 200,000 have been killed by the Indonesian military. Indonesia has condemned the awarding of the Nobel Prize to Ramos- Horta and Roman Catholic Bishop Carlos-Filepe Ximenes Belo. It has branded Ramos-Horta a troublemaker and radical. Ramos-Horta was in Vancouver hosting several lectures and opening a photo exhibit by Canadian photographer Elaine Briere, whose work portrays the people of East Timor. Canada's growing business links with Indonesia have been front-page news in Canada over recent months, with Canadian companies looking to develop a massive gold deposit in that country. Ramos-Horta, who has lived in exile since fleeing East Timor in 1975, says Canada must use its economic clout to urge Indonesia "to change its behavior toward its own people." He says, "The most potent force of change is public opinion, not government." --- From parc at jca.or.jp Wed Mar 12 10:29:42 1997 From: parc at jca.or.jp (Pacific-Asia Resource Center PARC) Date: Wed, 12 Mar 1997 10:29:42 +0900 Subject: [asia-apec 381] Japan's ODA Message-ID: <199703120136.KAA29639@SV1.jca.or.jp> ExamBy Kitazawa Yoko *From AMPO: Japan Asia Quarterly Review, Vol. 27, No. 3 (1997). On September 29, 1996, a group of NGOs met in Tokyo to set up a lobbying group called Japan?s NGO Network on ODA. The coalition includes groups work ing in international development cooperation, such as the Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC), Sodoshu Volunteer Association (SVA), People to People Aid (P2), the Japanese Association of NGOs for International Cooperation (JANIC) and the Japanese Network of NGOs for Indonesia (JANNI), as well as advocacy groups such as the Pacific Asia Resource Center (PARC) and People?s Forum 2001. The Network will do advocacy work toward the government on the issue of Japan?s ODA to developing countries. The members also decided to encourage parliamentarians to set up a caucus on ODA as well as a special committee to deal with development assistance under the Foreign Affairs Committees in both Upper and Lower Houses. The Network agreed to work on the following short-term and long-term objectives: as long-term projects, the enactment of a Basic Law on ODA and the establishment of a special agency or ministry dealing with ODA; and in terms of short-term objectives, a review and reform of yen loans provided by the Overseas Economic Cooperation Fund (OECF) under the auspices of the Economic Planning Agency and to undertake debt relief for heavily-indebted countries. The Network will meet regularly to work out its own strategy for negotiations with the government, will organize seminars and workshops in order to mobilize public opinion, and will work with the mass media on specific matters related to economic assistance. First Steps The Network has met twice with officials of the OECF. The discussions ranged from the OECF's Guidelines for Environmental Protection and for Women in Development (WID) to the question of enacting a Basic Law on ODA. The NGOs are concerned that the OECF's guidelines are much weaker than those of the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in Paris; the process of drawing up guidelines has not been transparent; the implementation has been carried out arbitrarily by officials; and there are no mechanisms to allow local NGOs or beneficiaries of projects to participate in the planning, implementation, or monitoring of the projects. According to the OECF, issues involving the environmental guidelines, WID guidelines, and resettlement (there are no guidelines yet on this issue) are dealt with by the Social and Environmental Section, which has a staff of just seven. This means that these seven people are charged with the task of ensuring that the entire OECF workload some 120 development projects involving infrastructure construction, spread over 82 countries, and with a pledged budget of $10 billion is in line with these guidelines. This is simply impossible. In response, the NGOs proposed that the OECF stipulate guidelines on resettlement, on the basis of the 1993 resolution of the Human Rights Commission in Geneva, the Beijing Plan of Action, as well as the rules set by the World Bank. However, given the current wave of administrative reformbeing carried out within the government, it is not feasible at the moment to expect an increase in the number of staff members in the section dealing with these guidelines. As a possible solution to this staff shortage, the NGOs proposed a substantive program to train OECF staff, private sector consultants, construction company employees, and local NGOs and residents in these guidelines, and at the same time the establishment of equal partnerships with local NGOs and residents to fulfill the guidelines. They proposed the establishment of solid and effective consultative mechanisms with local groups and people, which might include NGO forums in project areas, and providing funds for capacity building programs for the local population, and especially for women living in poverty. The OECF officials listened attentively to these proposals. The NGOs also pointed out that the WID guidelines, which were written in 1991, regard women as mere objects of development and not as subjects who have long been carrying out sustainable development through their own efforts. The OECF officials agreed to review and rewrite the guidelines in line with the Beijing Plan of Action. They also agreed to send a mission to the Philippines to survey WID activities there, and to meet with local NGO representatives. They also said they would send a fact-finding mission to the World Bank to examine WID guidelines there. In the coming meeting with OECF officials, the members of the NGO Network will focus on matters relating to yen loans to the Philippines' Land Reform Program and to the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh. Examining Japan's ODA In 1995, Japan's ODA amounted to slightly over US$14.7 billion, on a fulfilled level (there are some discrepancies between pledged and fulfilled levels). This is the largest level of the 21 OECD member countries. Japan's share is now nearly one fourth of total ODA flow from the North to the South. Unfortunately, there is a lack of correspondence between this volume and the assistance's content and quality. More than 30% of Japan's ODA ($4.46 billion) consists of yen loans. These yen loans have been used to construct large-scale infrastructure development projects such as dams, power plants, highways, modern hospitals, and irrigation. The top ten recipient countries, with the exception of Egypt, are all in Asia, and these Asian recipients, of which Indonesia and China are at the top, have absorbed 80% of the loans. Because of the rapid rise of the yen, from 250 yen to the dollar in 1985 to 110 yen today), the use of yen loans has become a major cause of accumulated debts. Why are yen loans so dominant in Japan's ODA? Basically, the reason is that, first of all, the Japanese government pledged, in response to international criticism over its large trade surplus, to recycle its surplus to developing countries in the form of ODA by providing a total of $60 billion in the five years beginning in 1993, and this meant it had to increase its ODA budget in any way possible. However, the economy went into a deep economic recession beginning in 1990 (the so-called bursting of the bubble), and the government's budget recorded its largest fiscal deficit since the end of World War II. As a result, it was impossible to find funds for increasing ODA in the General Budget. The government had to resort, therefore, to getting funds from the Treasury Investment and Loans (TIL) program, which is mostly financed by the Post Office Savings Account under the Ministry of Posts and Tele-communications. This is the origin of yen loans to developing countries (although the majority of TIL funds go to public works and industrial and social infrastructure projects within Japan). There are two categories of Japanese ODA. The first is grants from the General Budget, which are drawn from taxes, and this portion is handled by the Japan Agency for International Cooperation (JICA), which is under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The funds from this portion go to WID projects, the fulfillment of Basic Human Needs, technical assistance, and scholarships, for example. The second portion is yen loans, mainly from the TIL, which are used for large-scale industrial infrastructure development and, more recently, for structural adjustment lending. This part is handled by the OECF, under the Economic Planning Agency. Scrutinizing the Loans to the Grameen Bank In 1996, the government announced that it had decided to provide a yen loan to the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, as a first attempt to support NGO activities in developing countries. The loan will amount to ?3 billion (sli ghtly less than $30 million at the 1996 exchange rate). The Bangladesh government will receive the loan, with a 30-year repayment period, a 10-year grace period, at an annual interest rate of one percent. The government will then loan the money to the Grameen Bank in takkas, the local currency, with interest of two percent and the same repayment conditions. The Grameen Bank will then lend the money to poor women for micro business development projects, at a rate of 20 percent, and to housing projects, at 8 percent. Several issues arise from the lending: 1) If the yen's value rises, the Bangladesh government's debts to Japan will rise automatically, and the government will be obliged to cut outlays to people living in poverty, meaning that poverty in the country will deepen. To prevent this, the NGO Network proposed that the OECF set up a common fund. If the yen rises, the Fund will be used to subsidize the losses. 2) To the Grameen Bank, 3 billion is a huge sum of money. The Grameen Bank is not a commercial bank, but rather its major work is to organize poor women into groups and help them plan workable micro business projects. Who will finance the staff to help the women? If the Bank wants to continue this work, it will discover that 20 percent minus two percent is not enough to cover its staff overhead. Perhaps 50 percent of the loan could be channeled to staff activities. However, these activities would not create profits, so the Bank would not be able to repay the loan. In response, therefore, the NGO Network has proposed that JICA provide an equivalent grant to cover the Bank's overhead costs. Loans to Land Reform in the Philippines In July 1995, the OECF agreed to provide a yen loan of ?6.151 billion to su pport the Philippine Department of Agrarian Reform's Agrarian Reform Infrastructure Support Project. This was the first time that Japan agreed to provide a loan for an agrarian reform project. This, at least, can be seen as a step forward. The project will fund four components: 1) the construction and repair of community-based irrigation systems covering 18,000 hectares; 2) the establishment of buildings for post-harvest work; 3) the construction of 540 kilometers of road to provide access to markets; and 4) the organization of 10,000 farming families into 96 Agrarian Reform Communities. The terms of the loan are 30-year repayment period, with a grace period of 10 years, and an interest rate of 2.7 percent annually. In January 1996, Ernesto Garilao, the Secretary of Agrarian Reform, met with Japanese NGOs in Tokyo. He told them that the Japanese government had informed him it was not in a position to provide any new grants to the Philippines, since it had become a middle-income country. Japanese officials said Japan was facing severe budgetary constraints and at the same time was being forced to make commitments to provide grants to transition economies in Indochina. As a result, they told him, the Philippines would have to rely on yen loans. The NGOs asked Garilao whether he believed it would be possible to repay the loan, and in particular the portion used to organize 10,000 families. >From the point of view of NGOs, the process of organizing farmers requires the involvement of NGOs, and is the most important and time-consuming process in agrarian reform programs. However, it would not produce any extra profits to allow the government to repay its debt to Japan. Garilao told the NGOs that his Department desperately needed new funds, and that it was not his office, but rather the Department of Finance, which would be responsible for repaying the loan. In view of this, the NGO Network has proposed that in this case, like that of Bangladesh, JICA should provide a simultaneous grant for the organization of farmers. Conclusion The US government has initiated drastic cuts in its foreign assistance, and European countries have made cutbacks as well, in particular in aid destined toward Asian countries, because of increasing commitments in Africa and Eastern Europe. As a result, we are bound to see a considerable increase in Japanese aid to Asia. Given this, it is inevitable that the government will look toward the TIL as the source of funds for new ODA, meaning it will be in the form of yen loans. These loans will be provided to projects such as support for the Grameen Bank or for Agrarian Reform in the Philippines. These funds will also go toward structural adjustment programs. As a result, we will see an increase in the external indebtedness of the recipient countries. The OECF was set up in 1961, and with it began the yen loan as a form of assistance to developing countries. As of 1995, the OECF has pledged a total volume of ?15.0373 trillion, for 2,820 projects, and had actually pro vided ?10.0751 trillion. So far, ?2.0751 of this sum has been repaid. The balance, or \8,7815 trillion, represents debts of the recipient countries to the OECF. The NGO Network will propose to the OECF, Economic Planning Agency, and to the National Diet that guiding principles be drafted to incorporate yen loans into ODA, and to create mechanisms to cope with fluctuations in exchange rates. For instance, half of the volume of yen loans could be converted to US dollar loans, or bilateral Common Funds could be set up between Japan and recipient countries to create a hedge in the case of fluctuations. From mario_m at HK.Super.NET Thu Mar 13 10:29:58 1997 From: mario_m at HK.Super.NET (mario mapanao) Date: Thu, 13 Mar 1997 09:29:58 +0800 (HKT) Subject: [asia-apec 382] NO! to APEC, Vancouver 1997 Message-ID: <2.2.16.19970313092312.19af5c70@is1.hk.super.net> Date: Tue, 11 Mar 1997 21:24:08 -0800 (PST) From: Philippine Women Centre Sender: Philippine Women Centre Reply-To: Philippine Women Centre Subject: NO! to APEC, Vancouver 1997 Dear Friends, Conveying to you our warmest greetings of solidarity from Vancouver, Canada -- site of the 1997 APEC Economic Leaders Summit. The Network Opposed to Anti-People Control (NO! to APEC) is a grassroots coalition of women, youth and students, migrant workers, solidarity and anti-imperialist organizations and individuals. We have been educating and organizing since the spring of 1996 to mobilize the marginalized people of Vancouver against APEC and imperialist globalization. We held a solidarity rally on November 25, 1996 for the International Day of Protest against Imperialist Globalization which was attended by over 100 people. A delegate from the coalition also attended the People's Conference sponsored by BAYAN in Manila in November 1996. The preparations for this massive conference have already begun. It is expected that 10,000 journalists, delegates and general tourists will descend into the city with the total bill of: $30 million from the Chretien government; $5 million from the British Columbia government; and $1.4 million from the City of Vancouver. 1500 Royal Canadian Mounted Police will provide high-level security for the APEC visitors. In the meantime, marginalized people of the Downtown Eastside (the urban poor area of Vancouver) are being "cleaned-up" by an increased deployment of police forces; housing is being gentrified; and cutbacks to social programs leave many on the street without food or shelter. On March 20, 1997, we are launching our 1997 Campaign with a panel discussion, press conference, and community "speakout." We would appreciate any donations and solidarity messages which you can send to this address: Network Opposed to Anti-People Economic Control 451 Powell Street Vancouver, BC CANADA V6A 1G7 Telephone / Fax (604) 215-1103 E-mail: pwc@vcn.bc.ca We are also planning the People's Conference against Imperialist Globalization: Continuing the Resistance! for November 22 to 24, 1997 with a mobilization on November 25, 1997. We will be sending you further communications about the conference soon. Thank you very much for your support and we hope to see you in November. Wishing you further advances and continued strength in your struggles. Cecilia Diocson for the Coordinating Committee NO! to APEC From gattwd at corso.ch.planet.gen.nz Thu Mar 13 15:01:52 1997 From: gattwd at corso.ch.planet.gen.nz (Gatt Watchdog) Date: Thu, 13 Mar 1997 18:01:52 +1200 Subject: [asia-apec 383] Re: GATT Watchdog Media Release on APEC '99 In-Reply-To: Message-ID: Path: corso!gattwd From: gattwd@corso.ch.planet.gen.nz (Gatt Watchdog) Newsgroups: misc.activism.progressive Subject: GATT Watchdog Media Release on APEC '99 Message-ID: Date: Thu, 13 Mar 97 17:50:56 +1200 Reply-To: gattwd@corso.ch.planet.gen.nz (Gatt Watchdog) Organization: PlaNet Gaia Otautahi MEDIA RELEASE For Immediate Use 13 March 1997 "Unprecedented Security" for 1999 Auckland APEC Meeting: Government Dirty Tactics Warning A Christchurch group which organised an alternative international forum on free trade and protest action during last July's APEC Trade Ministers Meeting in Christchurch warns that the New Zealand government will use "dirty tactics" to put down dissent against opponents of APEC in Auckland in 1999. It also warns of massive disruption to the lives of ordinary Aucklanders in order to present a "false image" of New Zealand society to the international officials and media expected to be present for the APEC meeting. GATT Watchdog spokesperson, Aziz Choudry says: "While the question of foreign security services carrying arms to protect overseas APEC Leaders is an important one to raise (NZ Herald 13/3/97), people need to ask some hard questions about the lengths to which our own government will go to provide "security" for visiting VIPs,and to mask the true social costs of over a decade of domestic trade and investment liberalisation and free market reforms. The New Zealand government has shown itself to be intolerant of dissent about its free trade, free market economic model. There has been little genuine public debate about the merits or otherwise of free trade." "APEC is anti-democratic, unaccountable and driven by the interests of big business. Anyone who may in any way try to expose the myths of free trade is likely to be labelled a "threat to national security" by the government. The kind of stability and security which the government wants to offer visiting dignitaries to the 1999 meeting and potential overseas investors is a Clayton's version. It is not based on open debate, genuine participatory democracy and equality. It is built on secrecy, economic extremism, and the exclusion of increasing numbers of people from taking part in determining the kind of development that they want for themselves and their children." GATT Watchdog, a non-governmental group which advocates fair trade and lobbies against unrestricted trade and investment liberalisation is writing to the Minister in Charge of Security and the Minister of Police seeking assurances that people engaged in legitimate protest activity against APEC will not be targeted with anti-democratic tactics by intelligence agencies and the Police. Mr Choudry was at the centre of what has now been revealed to be a bungled Security Intelligence Service (SIS) operation the night before the APEC Trade Ministers Meeting began. His house was broken into by two intelligence agents while he was organising the "Trading With Our Lives" alternative forum on free trade. The Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security is currently investigating his complaint against the SIS. Mr Choudry's home, and that of Corso official and academic Dr David Small (who gave a paper at the forum) were subsequently searched by Police allegedly looking for "bomb-making equipment", after a hoax device marked "Apec bomb" was discovered outside Christchurch City Council offices. Neither men had any involvement in the "bomb" incident and suspect SIS involvement in the matter. "Last year's operations directed against GATT Watchdog make us believe that the Government is far more concerned about people voicing alternative views on free trade than it is in "terrorist" threats. Our only "crime" was to challenge the APEC agenda as promoting socially unjust and environmentally unsustainable outcomes. New legislation passed last July gives the SIS a carte blanche to surveill any group or individual considered to be a threat to 'national security". "Security" is now defined as "the making of a contribution to New Zealand's international well-being or economic well-being; and the protection of New Zealand from acts of espionage, sabotage, terrorism, and subversion, whether or not they are directed from or intended to be committed within New Zealand". Given that one of the government's central tenets is a commitment to market reforms and through GATT and APEC, trade and investment liberalisation, it seems that those who challenge this economic recipe are deemed to be threats to security and fair game for SIS surveillance and harassment. And the heavy-handed tactics of the Police at CHOGM and ADB meetings show that they too are being used to provide the muscle to protect New Zealand's free market economy". Mr Choudry, who has attended alternative forums on APEC organised by non-governmental organisations held at the time of the last two APEC leaders summits in Osaka and Manila says: "If preparations for previous APEC Leaders Summits are anything to go by, the New Zealand government will bend over backwards to accommodate the whims of APEC leaders and to showcase the New Zealand "economic miracle" - at the expense of local people. We are told that the final bill for hosting the 1999 Summit will exceed $28 million. But the true cost will actually be much higher. It will be borne by ordinary people whose rights to determine their own futures have been steadily eroded by successive governments which have handed over control to transnational investors backed up by faceless, undemocratic bodies such as the World Trade Organisation. APEC Leaders Summits have been accompanied by human rights abuses. Will Auckland be any different? In Manila last year, tens of thousands of urban poor were forcibly relocated and their homes demolished prior to the APEC Summit so that the government could present a false impression of "economic growth" and prosperity. Will the homeless and people in the poorer suburbs of Auckland be trucked out to Hamilton so that they will not create "eyesores" and proof of the existence of poverty in New Zealand for the important visitors to see? Will anyone who opposes APEC and its free trade agenda be detained as a preventive security measure or smeared as "terrorists and subversives" as the Ramos administration sought to do last November in the Philippines?" For further comment phone Aziz Choudry (GATT Watchdog) at: (03) 3662803 (w) or (03) 3484763 (h) ===================================================================== GATT Watchdog, Box 1905, Otautahi (Christchurch) 8015, Aotearoa (New Zealand). Ph 64 3 3662803 Fax 64 3 3484763 ===================================================================== From jagdish at igc.apc.org Sun Mar 16 01:22:17 1997 From: jagdish at igc.apc.org (Jagdish Parikh) Date: Sat, 15 Mar 1997 16:22:17 +0000 Subject: [asia-apec 384] Useful Website for Canada Message-ID: <199703152113.NAA09767@igc3.igc.apc.org> Those who needs to fax any minister or MP in Canada use following Website. You can enter your message here and it will be faxed in their offices. Unfortunately you will need browser which support FRAMEs. So I suppose text based browsers may not work. http://www.net-efx.com/faxfeds/97-index.htm From pspd at soback.kornet.nm.kr Wed Mar 19 10:16:58 1997 From: pspd at soback.kornet.nm.kr (PSPD) Date: Wed, 19 Mar 1997 10:16:58 +0900 Subject: [asia-apec 385] Re: Useful Website for Canada Message-ID: <1.5.4.32.19970319011658.0067d794@soback.kornet.nm.kr> $)C At 04:22 ?@HD 97-03-15 +0000, you wrote: >Those who needs to fax any minister or MP in Canada use following >Website. You can enter your message here and it will be faxed in their >offices. > >Unfortunately you will need browser which support FRAMEs. So I >suppose text based browsers may not work. > > >http://www.net-efx.com/faxfeds/97-index.htm >============================================ Dear Jadish, Thanks for several e-mails to PSPD. >From today, officialy I start work at the 'Korean house for international solidarity (KHIS) " which is affiliated center with PSPD. Today we are moving to new place and will open the new phone/fax number. I have one qustion. Do you have any info related inforamtion of Offical (or Overseas Development Assistance ) written paper by NGOs or TU in America. New center have a one activities monitoring ODA in Korea. Anyway, after we move the office, I will send the plan of KHIS soon. Best wishes Serapina From yukihiro at jca.ax.apc.org Sat Mar 29 13:04:04 1997 From: yukihiro at jca.ax.apc.org (YASUDA Yukihiro) Date: Sat, 29 Mar 1997 13:04:04 +0900 Subject: [asia-apec 386] Admin Notice: Domain name Message-ID: <2351.859608244@buzzy.klact.co.jp> All, JCA is going to move 'JCA-NET' and we got a new domain name, , for JCA-NET as a partner node of APC network in Japan. Officially, new domain name is effective since 1st, Apr. Addresses for and also are changed to and . Please update entry in your addressbook to . User name is unchanged. Domain name of is still effective for some period. Thank you. YASUDA Yukihiro JCA-NET mailing list administrator